Mexico City: Chihuahuan irregular cavalry commander and former revolutionary hero "General" Francisco "Pancho" Villa is being held in a Mexican military prison, awaiting court-martial on charges of theft and rebellion. Villa, credited by many with having saved the Madero regime through his brilliant delaying action at Parral in April, was arrested by the Mexican federal commander in Chihuahua, General Victoriano Huerta, following the decisive federal army victory over rebel leader Pascal Orozco at Bachimba. Villa's arrest came amidst growing reports of discord between the regular army and irregular force commanders in Huerta's Division del Norte.

Ironically, Villa may have actually been a victim of his own success and notoriety. While accounts of the federal victory at Bachimba remain contradictory, virtually all agree the actions of Villa and his irregular cavalry saved the day by breaking up an Orozquista counterattack at a key moment when the outcome of the battle seemingly hung in the balance. References to Villa's role remain conspicuously absent from General Huerta's after-action reports, leading many to speculate his arrest may have more to do with bruised egos than chargeable offenses under Mexican military law. Certainly the arrest of Villa could only have been possible in the wake of a decisive victory, removing Orozco as a credible threat and relieving General Huerta of his dependence upon the continued good will and support of the irregular forces augmenting the regular federal army.

While General Huerta's headquarters in the field refuses to comment on the arrest of Villa, sources on the Division del Norte staff report long simmering discord between the two powerful egos apparently came to a head in June when Huerta accused Villa of stealing a horse earmarked for another senior officer. Villa vehemently denied the charge, maintaining the horse was removed without authority from his headquarters and he simply recovered it. He then sent Huerta a telegram, informing the federal commander that he and his irregular troops could no longer serve under him and would be leaving the Division del Norte. Huerta reportedly responded to this challenge to his authority by summoning one of his regular army commanders, General Guillermo Rubio Navarrete, and telling him, "I have been informed that Villa intends to start an uprising, take whatever forces you need and destroy the quarters of that man, leaving no one alive."

Rubio Navarrete deployed a heavy force around the Villista encampment, but was reportedly surprised to find the camp at peace with Villa and his men fast asleep. Seeing no evidence of insurrection, the federal commander left his encircling troops in-place and returned to Huerta's headquarters for instructions. According to several members of Villa's staff, on awaking to find Rubio Navarrete's troops deployed around his headquarters, Villa instructed his officers not to react and then made his way unescorted to Huerta's headquarters. For his part, Huerta was furious with Rubio Navarrete for hesitating to attack and destroy the sleeping Villista encampment. During his tirade, he went so far as to threaten to execute General Rubio Navarrete.

Villa was subsequently arrested at Huerta's headquarters compound, but not before he sent a telegram to President Madero, informing him he wished to be released from Huerta's command. He asked to operate independently, but he would "surrender his arms, or do whatever the Mexican president asked him to do."

Huerta ordered Villa's immediate execution without benefit of court-martial. The firing squad was preparing to carry out the order when General Rubio Navarrete once again intervened on Villa's behalf. We have obtained the following account in Rubio Navarrete's own words:

"I saw Villa kneeling and weeping, loudly begging not to be shot and to be allowed to see General Huerta. He was kneeling, holding one foot of Colonel O'Horan, and behind the group, consisting of him and Colonel Castro was the execution squad with their arms at rest. Without speaking to anyone, I rapidly went to headquarters in order to see General Huerta. But when I turned around before leaving, I saw that the situation had changed, since Villa was already standing with his back to the wall, and the execution squad was readying its arms…I returned immediately, gave orders to suspend the execution, and brought Villa to headquarters."

Faced with Rubio Navarrete's insistence there was no evidence of insurrection at the Villista encampment and with several telegrams, including one from President Madero, requesting clemency for Villa, General Huerta rescinded his execution orders and ordered Villa transferred to the military prison in Mexico City to await court-martial for theft and rebellion. According to the charge sheet submitted by Huerta, Villa refused to surrender two stolen horses and when asked by Huerta to return them, "he went to his barracks, which are located 200 meters from general headquarters, armed all the men under his command, and told his soldiers to be ready to disobey the orders of my command, which consisted in ordering all the troops to Santa Rosalia."

President Madero is also noticeably silent, preferring not to respond to the many entreaties sent him by Villa. In defense of this seemingly ungrateful abandonment, the president is under great pressure from a variety of sources to "deal" with Villa. Not the least of these is the United States Ambassador to Mexico, Lane Wilson, whose hatred of Villa, and Madero for that matter, seems to know no bounds. Wilson reportedly wishes a public trial of Villa that will expose the Madero administration as one built upon the foundation of violent revolutionaries and bandits. Madero is also busily courting the ruling oligarchy in Chihuahua now that the Orozco rebellion seems doomed. Overt support for Villa could easily push the powerful families of Chihuahua into the camp of General Huerta, whose personal ambitions and hostility to the Madero regime are causes for concern.

Our correspondents in Torreon and San Luis Potosi have learned General Huerta made several attempts to rid himself of Villa during the prisoner transfer to Mexico City. Sources in the garrisons of both cities report orders were received to execute Villa by "ley fuga" as the train bearing him passed through. The commander of the Torreon garrison, Justiniano Gomez, consulted his superior, General Geronimo Trevino, when he received Huerta's orders to kill Villa. General Trevino countermanded Huerta's orders and the train continued on its way with Villa still in custody. At San Luis Potosi, the garrison commander referred Huerta's order to execute Villa to headquarters in Mexico City, where the order was rescinded and orders were issued for Villa to be delivered to the military prison in the capital.

"General" Villa remains in military prison while the investigation into the charges against him drags on. As yet, no date for his court-martial has been set. Sources on the General Staff suggest little evidence has been submitted to support the charges, although Villa has been interviewed extensively by military prosecutors at a series of hearings since June. There are rumors witnesses from some of the most prominent families of Parral are to be summoned to give evidence against him. It seems ironic to many here that prominent enemies of the Madero regime should be called to give evidence against the man who saved the government from violent overthrow through his heroic stand at Parral.

Huerta himself remains silent, preferring to remain aloof from the proceedings. There is speculation Huerta may prefer to keep Villa exactly where he is, in limbo, for the foreseeable future, rather than risk unfortunate public disclosure of the specifics of the case at court-martial.

Villa is not without friends, however. The president's own brother, Gustavo Madero, is reportedly maintaining contact with Villa in prison. Gustavo's personal secretary, Luis Aguirre Benavides, regularly visits him. Chihuahuan governor, Abraham Gonzalez, continues to send him letters of support and lobbies on his behalf.

Many here question just how much influence Governor Gonzalez has anymore, in the wake of the Orozco rebellion. Despite the recapture of Ciudad Juarez by federal forces in August, effectively restoring all of Chihuahua to federal control, the powerful families of the oligarchy that supported and bankrolled the rebellion appear to be as firmly in control as ever. Madero has reportedly tied the hands of his consistently loyal governor in favor of the traditional ruling families of the Haciendados. Even Luis Terrazas Sr., who clearly helped instigate and actively supported the revolt, was allowed by Madero to return from Texas to Chihuahua and once again take the reins of his vast holdings and interests. Huerta and the regular army are in control and show little respect for the authority of the governor. It is unlikely Governor Gonzalez will be able to contribute more than moral support for Villa.

Villa's fate remains uncertain. He has powerful enemies and virtually no influential friends. The next few months may well determine whether his back is ultimately placed against that bullet scarred wall.

Through an exceedingly fortunate, and completely unexpected, turn of events Mr. W.A. Pffankuch is able to announce that the Illustrated London News will be providing international reporting for The Bisbee Review. We hope that our readers will enjoy the exhaustively researched, and comprehensively reported, coverage of world events.

Paris: Diplomatic representatives of the Major Powers attended a whirlwind of elegant champagne soirees, whilst commenting on the improving political situation in both the Balkans and North Africa.

Bengal: Major MacBragg, general secretary of the renown social organization 'The Bengal Club,' made public statements to the the effect that, "The quartermaster has informed me that the refreshment area has run seriously short of libations. Furthermore the snack fund is seriously in arrears.' It is hoped that regular members will step into the breach and rectify this unacceptably arid situation.

Ciudad Juarez: Federal forces under General Victoriano Huerta have effectively crushed the rebellion led by "General" Pascal Orozco. With the crushing defeat of revolutionary Orozquista forces at the Battle of Bachimba in June and the subsequent recapture of Ciudad Juarez in August, federal authority has been reestablished in virtually all of Chihuahua. The Orozquista army has ceased to exist as an organized force. The more radical elements of the rebellion have deserted, convinced Orozco has betrayed the cause of social and agrarian reform. Increasingly, Orozco is viewed as a creature of the ruling oligarchy in Chihuahua and as an expendable pawn in their campaign to unseat the progressive regime of Francisco Madero. Many elements of the Orozquista rebellion have fled across the border into the United States from where they write bitter public accusations of betrayal by Orozco. They accuse Orozco of "participating in orgies and drunken sprees in his special train coach ten kilometers from the line of battle" while his troops were being slaughtered, their families left to suffer from hunger. There are rumors Orozco has deposited 500,000 pesos of revolutionary funds in personal account at an El Paso bank.

Lawlessness and guerilla warfare have replaced organized rebellion. Many Orozquistas are operating independently, raiding and looting their way across northern Mexico. Their outrages are all too frequently directed against the poorer common citizenry, turning much of the local populace against the rebellion.

Throughout all this, the real power brokers behind the rebellion, the Terrazas-Creel families and their Haciendado allies, remain in control. These powerful families continue their efforts to undermine the regime. Their present target is Governor Abraham Gonzalez. The ruling oligarchy is reportedly actively cultivating the federal commander, General Huerta, in their campaign to remove Governor Gonzalez. Soldiers and officers of the regular army are openly declaring their opposition to the government and the American consul in Chihuahua reports federal commanders are refusing to pursue fleeing Orozquistas and may even be engaging in secret negotiations with them.

The threat to the Madero regime from Orozco and his followers is largely over. The fate of Orozco himself remains uncertain. The long-term prospects for President Francisco Madero and his progressive regime are little better today than they were at the height of the rebellion.

Many conservatives are shocked the army remained loyal, considering the widespread dissatisfaction in the officer corps. Despite government victories against the Orozquista rebellion in Chihuahua and Sonora, the situation in Mexico remains volatile. The Zapatista agrarian revolution to the south in Morelos is gaining momentum and many senior officers blame hindrance from Madero for their inability to stamp it out. The Yaqui rebellion in Sonora is becoming increasingly violent and efforts to quell it have been equally unsuccessful. In September General Huerta was overheard drunkenly boasting he could easily unseat Madero with a military coup. As a result, President Madero relieved Huerta of his command in Chihuahua in October, ostensibly for health reasons. There is additional resentment over an October decree by Madero, instituting universal conscription. It is thought Madero is trying to transform the regular army into a more popular force, more representative of the Mexican people and less likely to follow the orders of reactionary officers in opposition to the legitimate government. The measure is actually equally unpopular with the people and the military elite. It is little surprise that Felix Diaz and his reactionary conspirators believed the federal army would rally to their banner in Veracruz.

Federal army officers arrested Felix Diaz upon their entry into Veracruz and he has been imprisoned at the military prison of Santiago Tlatelolco in Mexico City with General Bernardo Reyes, himself already in custody for a failed reactionary coup attempt in 1911. It is interesting to note that "Pancho" Villa's lawyer, Bonales Sandoval, recently submitted a motion for the transfer of Villa from the Mexico City penitentiary in which he has been held since his arrival to the military prison of Santiago Tlatelolco.

Chihuahua: Aides to General Huerta held a press
conference today to publicize what they referred to as
"The glorious victory of government forces over the
cowardly counterrevolutionary Pascal Orozco at the Battle
of Bachimba." While minimizing any part played by
irregular units under the command of General Francisco
'Pancho' Villa, spokesmen were happy to provide a
description of General Huerta's participation in the battle
in excruciating detail.

Some American observers have described the event as
nothing more that a desultory artillery barrage, followed
by a gradual rebel withdrawal. However, the victorious
Huerta paints the engagement as nothing short of "The
greatest battle in the western hemisphere since
Gettysburg. Culminating in a valiant bayonet charge
delivered along the entire front, hurling back the faint
hearted rebels in ignominious flight."

An effort to bolster their case recently backfired on the government when they summoned two Villista officers to Mexico City to testify against Villa. Encarnacion Marquez and Blos Flores were called to testify on other aspects of the case, but when the prosecutors took the opportunity to also examine them on Villa's alleged refusal to obey Huerta's orders to move his irregulars to Santa Rosalia in-company with the Division del Norte. Contrary to Huerta's contention that Villa had refused the order and had then ordered his Villistas to arm themselves and resist any attempt by the regular army to force compliance, the two Villista officers confirmed Villa's version of events and stated Villa had informed his officers the entire force would be moving up to Santa Rosalia with Huerta's forces in the morning.

The entire issue of the Villista command relationship with the regular army is raising uncomfortable questions for the government regarding the exact role of the irregular forces and their commanders in the suppression of the Orozquista rebellion. The precise degree of integration of these forces with the regular army remains murky and now there are questions about whether forces such as the Villistas were acting as federal or state forces. Indeed, Villa has consistently maintained he was acting under orders from the governor of Chihuahua, Abraham Gonzalez. Correspondence with the military court by Governor Gonzalez appears to support Villa's contention.

Increasingly, army prosecutors are shifting their focus to charges of theft against Villa. Specifically, he is charged with extorting 150,000 pesos from prominent families in Parral during the run-up to the battle there against the Orozquistas in April. According to the government case, Villa extorted the money for personal use rather than to finance his irregular forces in their campaign against Orozco. They are being supported in this regard by testimony from some of the leading families of the ruling oligarchy in Chihuahua and by tabloid articles in the conservative press about Villa's bandit past.

Villa continues to proclaim his innocence, insisting the Parral confiscations were purely to finance his military campaign in defense of the Madero regime. According to Villa, these confiscations were expressly authorized in orders from Governor Gonzalez and were entirely consistent with practices routinely observed by Madero's forces during the Revolution of 1910. Perhaps to forestall charges of misappropriation of some of the funds, Villa declared to the court that he was personally aware of 5,000 pesos buried before the battle of Parral in the mountains of Santa Barbara. He insisted he knew and could recognize the place where the money was buried, but could not provide directions to it. Villa adamantly denies the stories of his criminal past before the Madero revolution. In a letter to President Madero he wrote, "I have always acted legally, and no one can accuse me of appropriating capital that belongs to others. All of these journalists who make these accusations are just scum."

Despite the struggles of the army prosecutors, "Pancho" Villa appears no closer to being released from prison and President Madero remains aloof.

Many question why an attorney of Sandoval's prominence
and political connections is interesting himself in
"Pancho" Villa's case. Sandoval is rumored to have strong
ties with Felix Diaz, nephew of deposed dictator Porfirio
Diaz. In Mexico City, where rumors and conspiracy
theories abound, Felix Diaz is suspected of preparing for
an armed uprising against President Madero and his
progressive regime. One theory holds conservative
opponents of Madero believe Villa could be convinced to
return to Chihuahua and revive the rebellion begun by
Orozco. Perhaps Sandoval is attempting to convince Villa
to change sides in exchange for clemency.

"Mr. President, if you still want me to serve you in some way in Chihuahua, in order to contribute to the pacification of that state, I swear and give you my word of honor to carry out such a campaign and, unless I die in battle, to capture in one way or another the traitor Orozco, whom I deeply condemn as a man who is disloyal.

"If you still want me to die at the hands of my enemies, and if God wills me to die, I shall resign myself to do so, always shouting 'Long live the clear-sighted democrat who risked the vagaries of war in order to reestablish the rule of law and justice.' 'Long live the apostle of democracy who broke the dictatorship of General Diaz.' These will be my last words if I fall into the hands of my enemies."

Villa's Christmas greeting cannot be unwelcome to the embattled Mexican president as he appears to be embarking upon what many reformers consider his long-overdue progressive reform agenda. Madero is badly in need of loyal allies as he takes on the conservative power structure of the Mexican oligarchy. Madero's November cabinet reorganization, with the appointment of Manuel Bonilla as minister of agriculture, is widely regarded as the opening salvo in a sweeping land reform agenda. The landed gentry are furious at a December 3rd proposal by Legislator Luis Cabrera to use the ejido (village communal land tenure) as the basis for radical land reform. At the same time, the labor situation in Mexico becomes more unsettled by the day. A new radical labor movement, the anarcho-syndicalist Casa del Obrero Mundial (COM), was established in September and is rapidly gaining strength at the expense of the more moderate government-sponsored Gran Liga union. Mexican industrialists and financiers are becoming increasingly alarmed, as are foreign investors and entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, on December 18th the Madero administration passed a new tax decree, punishing companies who defy government labor reforms. Madero is in need of strong allies.

Mexico City: Rumors regarding the ultimate fate of
imprisoned "General" Francisco "Pancho" Villa abound.
As the situation in Mexico City becomes increasingly
unstable in the wake of the failed coup attempt by Felix
Diaz, wild speculation seems to be the order of the day
and much of it centers on what President Madero will do
about Villa. Some believe Madero's regime would benefit
from a free Villa, restored to command of his irregular
Villista forces and committed to defending his beloved
"Little Father." Others fear Villa is embittered over his
treatment at the hands of the administration. If freed, he
could become more of a danger to Madero, returning to
Chihuahua and potentially re-igniting the flames of
rebellion. Many question whether Villa has already
followed the path of Orozco and sold out to the
conservative opponents of Madero.

For his part, Villa continues to appeal to Madero for
justice. Admittedly, the tone of his letters is becoming
increasingly bitter. He recently expressed his continued
loyalty while admonishing the president, "Even if I suffer
from injustice, I have not stopped from having the highest
regard for you even if you do not act loyally to me." Villa
cannot help resenting the fact President Madero has
already granted sweeping amnesty to most of the
Orozquistas recently in open rebellion.

There is no getting away from the reality that the Villa
situation is becoming increasingly embarrassing for the
Madero government. He may be too dangerous on the
loose and he is almost as big a problem in custody. Villa
himself may have arrived at a possible way out for
Madero. The former revolutionary commander has
reportedly requested he be exiled to Spain until the
domestic situation in Mexico stabilizes. According to one
source, President Madero responded encouragingly to
Villa in a rare letter, "We are studying the way in which, in
accordance with existing legislation, you can be
transferred to Spain as you wish."

Rumors of the potential release or exile of Villa abound and
there is tremendous pressure on Madero to keep
"Pancho" right where he is. The president's own brother,
Emilio Madero, who commands an irregular force in the
north himself warned in a recent letter, "People have
written to me from Chihuahua, telling me about rumors that
Francisco Villa will be freed, and that this will provoke a
disastrous reaction in the whole state, and they assure me
that there are persons who are resolved to rise in arms
against the constituted government should this happen."

In a possible softening of attitude by Madero, Villa's
request to be transferred to the military prison of Santiago
Tlatelolco was recently granted. Villa, ironically ensconced
in the same prison as such conservative regime opponents
as Felix Diaz and Bernardo Reyes, is reportedly lavishing
money and attention on his jailers. He is becoming
something of a celebrity and favorite among inmates and
guards alike. In a December 11th interview with the Mexico
City newspaper, El Pais, Villa commented, "I am quiet, I
hope that justice will be done in my case, I am not the
Francisco Villa that many believe me to be, I am a human
being and I am sorry that my words cannot help me."

According to highly placed sources, Villa cultivated a low-level clerk, Carlos Jauregui, and bribed him to smuggle in a saw and street clothes. Over the period of several weeks, "Pancho" cut through the bars in the window of his cell, using the music from a local band playing in the street outside to mask the sound. On Christmas morning, Villa and Jauregui reportedly walked out of the prison with Villa hiding his face behind a handkerchief and appearing to be deeply engaged in a legal discussion with the clerk. Once clear of the gates, they jumped into a waiting car and sped away. One version suggests Villa would have preferred to have horses and Villistas waiting at the prison gates so that he could make his escape with guns blazing.

A full-scale manhunt is underway for the fugitive Villa. The superintendent of Santiago Tlatelolco has expressed shock at the daring escape and denies rumors of high-placed complicity in the prison break. Speaking from behind his ornate desk adorned with a finely cased and engraved Colt presentation semiautomatic pistol, the superintendent insisted the clerk Jauregui was acting alone. When asked about the security of other high profile prisoners such as Felix Diaz and General Bernardo Reyes, the superintendent insisted everything was being done to guarantee no further escapes occurred.

According to sources close to Villa, after walking calmly out of the gates of the military prison of Santiago Tlatelolco, the bandit and his accomplices were driven by car from Mexico City to Toluco. From there they traveled by train to the port of Mananillo on the Pacific coast. Eluding the massive national manhunt, Villa boarded a steamer bound for Mazatlan. He hid in his cabin during the passage for fear of discovery and bribed one of the ship's officers to provide him a boat with which to slip off the ship upon arrival at Mazatlan, prior to the port inspection. From Mazatlan, Villa slipped across the US border and made his way to El Paso, Texas.

The El Paso Herald reports, Villa "in fine fettle with plenty of dinero. Dressed as a Spanish bullfighter or priest, Villa put in his appearances Saturday afternoon in El Paso. He wore a hard hat and a long black cape beneath which rumor has it is his cutlery and artillery both heavy and light."

Rumors abound in Mexico City regarding a conservative conspiracy to break Villa out of prison in order to embarrass the Madero regime and potentially to re-ignite the rebellion in Chihuahua. Villa himself has addressed the rumors and according to a January 10, 1913, article in the Coreo de Chihuahua:

"We can say that the help granted the guerilla leader in his flight was based on the understanding that he should come to Chihuahua in order to raise men and rebel against the present government. In return, he was offered a thousand things which Villa with his natural cleverness and his natural good sense, which we know, accepted, profited from the means of escape he was offered but did not assume any obligation to the enemies of our country. When the time came and he could flee, he used these means."

The Bisbee Review has learned that, far from selling out to the reactionaries who may have helped orchestrate his escape, Pancho Villa has communicated with President Madero, asking for justice but warning him:

"…looking at the situation which the state of Chihuahua is undergoing and at my own situation, I believe that it is just that I should as soon as possible be given all necessary guarantees to cross the border into that state, and that these guarantees should be published in the "newspapers" of the capital, since I believe that my petition is just, and if this is not the case, the many enemies I have made through my defense of your government will force me to rise in arms to obtain the guarantees I need, and that in that case no one should call me either a traitor or a bandit, since I shall have had no choice but to defend my rights. Do not forget Mr. President, that I am one of the men who brought you to power and I am still loyal to you."

In an even clearer warning of the dangers surrounding the president and of his own increasing frustration, Villa continued:

"Remember that the persons in your cabinet who surround you will not defend you, and that the men who will do so in critical times are not easy to find. Do not believe that the reason that I have not crossed the border into my country is that I cannot sustain myself and give myself guarantees. The reason is my care for your prestige. But I have come to a time when I am becoming a man. I am patient, but, as I told you before, that patience will only last for one month, and once that period has passed you cannot count on me for anything, and three months later you will see the results."

Villa is reportedly in contact with his old friend and staunch supporter Abraham Gonzalez, governor of Chihuahua. Gonzalez has reportedly dispatched one of his deputies to El Paso for discussions with Villa and it is believed the governor is acting as intermediary between Villa and the Mexican president. Only time will tell whether Madero will heed Villa's warnings and bring back his strong right arm.

The Ultra Shoe for Men - $3.50
It makes Friends
A shoe that is easy at first, and holds its shape, keeping its comfort afterward, cannot help making and keeping friends.
Thorough lasting of fine leather, expert workmen, with every modern aid, and careful designing, combine to produce this perfect shoe.

Limited quantities and sizes available now at
McKecknie's Mercantile and Barbershop - Bisbee, AZ
Everything You Need - If We've Got It.

According to highly placed sources in the president-
elect's entourage, Wilson has already been in contact with
President Madero of Mexico. Unconfirmed reports
suggest Madero has secretly asked Wilson to replace
American Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson. Madero is
reportedly alarmed over Ambassador Wilson's role in the
Villa case and his reported collusion with radical
conservative elements in the government and the army.
Any change of US representation in Mexico City will have
to await the inauguration of President-elect Woodrow
Wilson. For now, President Taft remains at the helm.

El Paso: Further commemorative services for the late ''Colonel' John Jizum were canceled, and a grand gala welcoming his son John W. Jizum was postponed when the train conveying the heir to the vast Jizum estates was shamelessly attacked by unidentified bandits en route.

This scandalous affront to law and order in the great state of Texas began when the railroad tracks were blasted in front of the locomotive as it slowed on the grade just out of town. The quick witted engineer then attempted to reverse the train out of danger, but the tracks behind were dynamited as well. The complexity of the plan, and number of miscreants involved suggest that there were more than mere prairie criminals involved.

Passenger, and Jizum cowhand, Juan Morales was clearly too agitated to be interviewed by our reporters. Saying only, "Many bad men. Many bad men, and machine gun." Coincidentally, well know local tough Joe Kennedy was also a passenger and his description of events was more rational than that of the obviously excitable Morales. Kennedy minimize his part in the defense of the trapped train, but he did make allusions to everyone's good fortune that there were several crates of what he referred to as miscellaneous farm equipment that aided in protecting both the train and young Jizum. He declined to elucidate on his original statement that, "We was all glad that we had that stuff... for farming... local like."

Reporters have been unable to discover from witnesses exactly what manner of farm equipment was employed, or exactly how it "came in hand" in repelling the bandit's attack. Rumors continue to circulate about a group described only as "East Coast Bankers" who displayed a remarkably fortuitous degree of marksmanship for eastern entrepreneurs seeking suitable opportunities for investment.

Individuals with experience in the transport and use of dynamite for industrial purposes please send resume to
P.O. Box Uno Dos Tres
El Paso, TX USA

General Labor. Three positions still available. Apply to Roy Knabeshue.

$ 2,000.00

$ 30.00

"Busted" Gun = 25% of value

• If a you take a gun during a game, and live, you get to keep it
• If the other side concedes, and you tell the umpire that you want to loot the gun, you get a 1 in D6 chance of looting the gun.
• If you forget to mention 'looting' at the end of the scenario, "The Indians get the guns."

Remember: In order to cause an event that is part of a 'cunning plan' you must roll 8+ on 2D6. Your result may be affected by skills possessed by the character you have trying to make the event happen. So some of those 'useless strategic skills' suddenly aren't so useless.

Characters might consider the possibilities of a rewarding career in the fields of: Embezzling, Gambling, or Rustling. Each player may field only 1 'Gambler' character. Embezzlers and Rustlers are not limited, but inquire about the game mechanics.

The umpire has finally developed a strategic use for motor vehicles. Cars and trucks are restricted to driving on marked roads, or alongside railway lines (where it is assumed that there is an access road). Individuals traveling by motor vehicle move at the train rate of 2 towns per week. However, a die roll of a "1" on 1D6 means that the transport has broken down on that leg of the journey.

The umpire is still waiting for further suggestions about skill chits. I may develop an "Educated" chit that provides +1 advantages in; engineering, language=communication, deal making, etc.

Newly created skills: "Life is Cheap" does not entitle the bearer to 'backshoot' other characters, that would be a violation of "The Code Of The West," but it does allow bearers to shoot into crowds, or hand to hand combat disregarding the chance of hitting friendly characters. Hits are determined normally, then the actual victim in the crowd is determined by a random die roll which is influenced by the shooter's marksmanship skills.