Mexico City: The situation in the state of Chihuahua is becoming increasingly unsettled following the election of Francisco Madero as President of Mexico last November. Many seasoned observers fear the northern state may be on the eve of another violent uprising and this, coupled with the continuing and increasingly brutal Zapatista rebellion in Morelos to the south, could usher in a second Mexican revolution with more sweeping repercussions than the Maderista revolution of November 20th 1910. Events unfolding in Chihuahua suggest matters have reached the boiling point and experienced journalists and politicians agree some unusual alliances are being forged between radical revolutionary elements and members of the powerful and influential oligarchy of ruling families. None of this bodes well for the fledgling democratic government of Francisco Madero.

Frustration on the radical left and amongst the peons on the great estates of the hacendados continues to build over the lack of progress on land reform and redistribution. Despite the plundering of cattle from a number of haciendas by freshly demobilized revolutionary soldiers during the summer and fall of 1911, the vast majority of peons and poor farmers in Chihuahua never rose up to seize land from the large estates in the wake of the treaty of Ciudad Juarez. Instead, they chose to wait for the promises of Madero to be fulfilled. While their counterparts in Morelos and Durango occupied and reclaimed land by force, the peasants of Chihuahua waited, passively trusting in former revolutionary leaders such as Abraham Gonzalez, now governor of Chihuahua, and Pascal Orozco, now commander of the Chihuahuan Rurales, to grant them redress. Increasingly, it is becoming clear to the common man in Chihuahua that the Madero regime is unlikely to deliver on promised reforms.

Opposition is becoming more organized under the banner of Flores Magon and the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), calling for the expulsion of foreign interests, including the American Mormon settlers in the Galeana district, and a resumption of radical revolutionary activity. The rallying cry of Magon is increasingly being echoed among the peons on the great estates, particularly those owned by the powerful Terrazas family. The poor tenants on the great haciendas are reeling under a counteroffensive by the powerful oligarchy aimed at recouping losses incurred during the recent revolution. Hacendados are making their peons absorb the harvest shortfalls resulting from the fighting throughout the spring of 1911, forcing them to hand over virtually all of the fall crop. Additionally, as a means of recovering lost revenues on the Terrazas estates, tenants are being forced to pay six times the pre-revolution rate to rent pastureland in the vicinity of Ciudad Chihuahua. On the rich Humboldt hacienda, peons complained this past November that "every day we undergo attacks and discrimination by the German Pablo Hoffman, and since no one has protected us from these reprisals, we again ask for justice, since we believe that we do not live in the period of the past administration, which protected every kind of attack on Mexicans." Castulo Herrera, a former revolutionary commander whose subordinates included "Pancho" Villa, recently served as spokesman for the workers on six of the largest haciendas when he bitterly declared, "Because some of us went into the revolution to fight tyranny, we are now the object of discrimination and bad treatment by the owners of these haciendas…. Convinced that the government that resulted from the revolution would carry out the clause of the Plan of San Luis Potosi consisting of land division to small landowners, many of whom were robbed of their lands by the illegal government of Porfirio Diaz, and weary of the owners and hacendados profiting from our energy without even treating us well, we call on the government to take the necessary measures to help us in our difficult situation."

Similar statements of discontent are emerging from the military colonies of Chihuahua, formerly the strongholds of the Maderista cause. According to Porfirio Talamantes, the village elder of Janos, "We are worse off now than before and…the caciques have only changed names." In a letter to the newspaper Correo de Chihuahua, he denounces the new jefe politico, Pacheco, as "a revolutionary in the presence of revolutionaries, and a government supporter in the presence of federal troops…. I and many others will lose our harvest because Pacheco is refusing to give us water to irrigate our fields…. I have a feeling of despair, since I have twice complained against the authorities of Janos, and although Governor Gonzalez has told me that I might hope for a change, I do not see anything occurring. I ask myself, why is this happening? When I try to answer my question, I must stifle the melancholy of my heart, since I have not yet lost faith that sooner or later my words will be listened to." Similarly in the village of San Andres, once "Pancho" Villa's power base, Correo de Chihuahua reports discontent with Madero over unfulfilled promises has reached the point where many "would prefer the Porfirian dictatorship, which at least did not try to hide the facts" and charges "privileges for a few favorites are again the order of the day."

Increasingly this discontent is being translated from angry words into radical action. Workers on the hacienda San Filipe have been engaged in an unprecedented strike for the past two months. Violent localized uprisings are occurring on other haciendas in Chihuahua. A wave of strikes is gripping the state. Industrial workers, miners, streetcar workers, railway workers, and the employees of a number of large meat packing factories have walked out, forcing owners to increase their wages. Interestingly, the workers at Pancho's Meat Packing Co. in Ciudad Chihuahua, largely ex-Villista soldiers, have not joined in the labor actions and as a result Villa's business continues to expand, absorbing the markets of a number of rival packing plants.

Governor Gonzalez Weakened
Governor Gonzalez is at least sympathetic to the voices of discontent. In a recent open letter to the people of Chihuahua he stated, "I can assure you that the government will attempt as quickly as possible to solve the agrarian problem, which is the root of an eminently healthy discontent." He recently prevailed upon the state legislature to appropriate six million pesos for irrigation works and for the purchase of hacienda lands for redistribution. Nevertheless, he failed in an attempt to obtain federal government funding to survey public and village lands and identify their boundaries. For all his good intentions, it now seems clear he will be unable to do much in terms of meaningful land settlement and redistribution.

Unlike Madero, Gonzalez is a member of the middle class and not the former ruling class. He has no sympathy for the Terrazas-Creel families who he blames for most of the excesses and abuses in Chihuahua under the Diaz regime. He also harbors no illusions about their transferring their allegiance to the Madero regime. Nevertheless, Gonzalez' authority has been seriously undermined by President Madero, albeit unwittingly.

In an effort to undermine the power and influence of the Terrazas-Creel families, Governor Gonzalez recently sought to actively prosecute former-Governor Enrique Creel for his part in the Banco Menero scandal from before the revolution of 1910. Under Diaz, the investigation had been quashed to protect the powerful family. Gonzalez viewed its reopening as a powerful weapon in the battle for power in Chihuahua. Many in the state viewed it as a test of the new regime's commitment to the equal application of justice regardless of wealth or influence. The effort to reopen the investigation has gained much notoriety and raised expectations amongst reformers. Unfortunately, Madero recently cut the legs out from under this effort by Gonzalez, ordering him to close the investigation. Sources within the government indicate Enrique Creel made a personal appeal for President Madero to intervene on his behalf, claiming the magistrate appointed by Gonzalez was biased against him. The intervention by Madero is seen by many as another unfulfilled promise of reform and has exposed the weakness of Governor Gonzalez in the face of the powerful ruling families of Chihuahua.

Whither Orozco ?
Pascal Orozco, elevated to command of the Chihuahuan Rurales by Madero, has increasingly distanced himself from the regime. While President Madero is obviously hoping the former revolutionary commander will move decisively to restore order within the state, Orozco has done nothing to quash or even discourage the increasingly rebellious spirit abroad of late. Indeed, many of the most vocal firebrands are actively calling upon Orozco to once again take up the banner of the revolutionary movement. There are reports representatives of the PLM have approached Orozco. Should Orozco ignore the appeals of his former soldiers to once again lead them into the field, he runs the risk of losing influence and the loyalty of followers. According to several credible sources, the former revolutionary soldiers now garrisoning Ciudad Juarez are on the verge of rebellion and have appealed directly to Orozco to assume personal command.

Interestingly, while Orozco is being courted by both the Madero regime and the radical revolutionary movement, informed sources suggest he is carrying on a dialogue with the powerful ruling elite in Chihuahua. The Terrazas-Creel families reportedly view him as a potential "strongman" successor to Porfirio Diaz, capable of unifying opposition to the Madero regime and restoring order to Chihuahua and potentially all of Mexico. While the unwitting alliance of the radical revolutionary left with the powerful ruling elite would seem incongruous, the hacendados are obviously relying upon Orozco's ability to keep the forces of revolution under control and channel their violence and energy toward the Madero regime. If these reports are true, the Chihuahuan oligarchy is playing a dangerous game. Perhaps it is Orozco who is using the oligarchy for his own purposes. As the future of Chihuahua and perhaps all Mexico hangs in the balance, all eyes are upon Orozco, watching to see where he casts his lot.

Bisbee, Arizona: Retired Marine Corps Captain Charles "Bulldog" Adair warns there is a deeper meaning to the recent gang violence in Chinatown. Adair, an old China hand and veteran of the Boxer Rebellion, believes we may be witnessing a resurgence of the Society of Harmonious Right Fists here in our very midst. Speaking before the Righteous American Matrons women's club here in Bisbee, Captain Adair asserted the "Tong" societies responsible for the gang violence on our own west coast and increasingly here in the southwest are nothing more than thinly veiled front groups for Boxer extremists forced to flee China in the wake of the collapse of the Boxer movement and the crack down by the Chinese government. According to Adair, the Boxers are now seeking to attack the "western foreign devils" at the source and he points to recent violence and criminal activity in the Limehouse suburb of London as another manifestation of the insidious global Boxer conspiracy. Adair points to distinctive markings on the clothing of the Tong gangs as identical to those markings he observed on Boxer extremists while he was serving with the Marine Guard at the US Legation in Peking.

At the close of the women's club luncheon, Captain Adair called upon the citizens of Bisbee to unite in the defense of their homes and he challenged wealthy rancher John Jizum to concentrate his newly raised peacekeeping force on homeland defense rather than frittering away his time with foreign adventures to our south. According to Adair, Jizum's volunteer irregular cavalry should be placed at the disposal of the mayor of Bisbee and he offers his own services to the mayor as an advisor regarding the Boxer menace.

Hartford, Conn.: Officials of the Colt Firearms Manufacturing Company revealed yesterday they expect to conclude an important firearms contract with the Mexican government in the near future. Speaking off the record at a private luncheon for the Connecticut congressional delegation, senior Colt officials confirmed they are close to finalizing a contract for an expected 500 semiautomatic model 1902 .38 caliber pistols and an as yet undetermined number of Colt heavy machine guns. Colt officials credit their long time general agent in Mexico City, French arms merchant Arsenio Combaluzier, with convincing the Mexican General Staff of the superiority of the Colt pistol.

The Colt semiautomatic Model 1902 pistol is reportedly of a superior self-loading pistol design not unlike the Model 1911 .45 caliber pistol recently adopted for use as the principal sidearm by the United States Army.

Colt representative Peter "Holly" Martins will reportedly finalize details for the contract in Mexico City.

Bisbee, Arizona: Yesterday, labor organizer "Big Bill" Haywood publicly accused mine owners and senior management at the Copper Queen mine of planning to use cheap Chinese labor to break the back of the Miner's Union. According to Haywood, the Copper Queen intends to introduce large numbers of Chinese workers, knowing they are prohibited from membership in any labor organizations chartered under the American Federation of Labor and they cannot be accorded representation in an affiliated Central Labor Union. Haywood warns thousands of jobs will be lost to nonunion Chinese miners unless something is done at once to stop the mine owners and clean out the dens of foreigners in our midst.

Speaking before a meeting of local miners, Haywood lauded labor leader Samuel Gompers for his heroic stance against Asian immigration and particularly his untiring efforts to protect the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 from repeal efforts in the Congress. Haywood quoted Gompers' February 1902 testimony before the Senate Committee on Immigration, insisting that "the exclusion of Chinese laborers from the United States is asked for by all of the wage workers of our country, particularly all the organized wage earners, regardless of any section of the country from which they hail and in which they are located." Haywood reminded his audience of Gompers' comments on the social, moral, and civic aspects of Chinese society and culture: "The presence in our country of a people entirely out of harmony and training with American comprehension of liberty and citizenship, who are alien to our customs and habits, as different from us in political and moral ideas as it is possible for two peoples to be, who are so thoroughly grounded in race characteristics that even the generations born and reared among us still retain them, can not but exercise a most demoralizing effect upon the body politic, the social life, and the civilization of the people of our nation."

Warming to his subject, Haywood quoted various segments from a monograph Samuel Gompers co-authored with Hermann Gudstadt in 1902, "Some Reasons for Chinese Exclusion. Meat vs. Rice. American Manhood Against Asiatic Coolieism. Which Shall Survive?" [In the interest of good taste, the editors of the Bisbee Review have elected not to print any of the passages quoted by Mr. Haywood]

"Big Bill" then went on to echo Gompers' recent accusations regarding a vast conspiracy by senior officials in the United States government to smuggle Chinese laborers into the country and thwart the legitimate exclusionist efforts of organized labor. According to Haywood, Gompers is convinced of a clandestine network of district attorneys and court interpreters colluding and conniving to introduce cheap illegal Chinese laborers into the American labor market. Haywood quoted Gompers' accusation about "some . . . Federal officials . . . responsible for this smuggling [who] were so high up in administrative circles that they were able to prevent enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Law." Moreover, these officials, according to Gompers, were operating in both the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the Department of Commerce and Labor. In addition to a conspiracy within the administration, Haywood also reiterated Gompers' contention that a recently formed opponent of Asian exclusionism, the National Liberal Immigration League, was being financed by "the Hamburg-American Steamship Company, the Campagnie Generale

Transatlantique, and the Steamship Companies and industries generally that found a financial profit in employing cheap immigrant workers."

According to Haywood, recent Taft administration concern regarding foreign influences at work in our southwest only serves to underscore the importance of Mr. Gompers' words. He questions whether the recent chaos attendant upon the democratic revolution to our south was used by big business interests and industrialists in our own country to mask the mass importation of cheap unorganized labor in an effort to break the back of the labor movement in the United States. Were untold numbers of Chinese smuggled north across the border during the confusion? Are the Germans involved? He points to the recent attacks by the immensely powerful rancher John Jizum and his flunkies on peaceful labor assemblies as part of the conspiracy. He warns Jizum's recent announcement about raising an illegal force of irregular "cavalrymen" is nothing more than a poorly disguised effort to mobilize a vigilante force to crush the labor movement in Arizona and may serve the interests of unnamed foreign powers.

Certainly Mr. Haywood's emotional call to arms and Mr. Gompers' accusations should come as little surprise at this late date. The editors of the Bisbee Review believe the following excerpt from the Report of Proceedings of the Twenty-fifth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1905, underscores organized labor's unqualified opposition to admission of Chinese laborers into the American labor market: "Surely, America's workmen have enough to contend with, have sufficient obstacles confronting them in their struggle to maintain themselves in their humanizing movement for a higher and better life, without being required to meet the enervating, killing, underselling, and under-living competition of that nerveless, want-less people, the Chinese." The editorial staff wishes to distance itself from such sentiments and asks whether Mr. Haywood's inflammatory remarks and the intolerant views expressed by Mr. Gompers can serve any purpose other than to incite violence against one segment of the community. Mr. Haywood's conspiracy accusations, buttressed by the writings of Mr. Gompers, would seem laughable, were it not for the potential inter-communal strife and class warfare they may provoke. The editors of the Bisbee Review call for calm in the face of extremism.

Washington, DC: In a strongly worded unofficial statement yesterday, a senior official in the Taft administration rebuked American citizens serving or seeking to serve in any potential conflict in Mexico. Speaking on condition of anonymity, the Foreign Service officer warned that US nationals involved militarily in foreign countries and not serving under the officially sanctioned auspices of the United States government would be considered mercenaries and subject to the most stringent application of US and international criminal statutes. In particular, he warned against any activity resulting in destabilization of the internationally recognized legitimate government of Francisco Madero.

According to one informed source in the Justice Department, the federal government is considering freezing American assets of US nationals proven to be engaged in mercenary activity. Particular concern is reportedly being focused on reports of an irregular cavalry force being recruited by powerful ranchers in Arizona.

Not everyone in Washington DC is as opposed to American citizens taking proactive action to protect American interests and investments in Mexico. Senator Albert Bacon Fall, the newly elected senator from New Mexico and son-in-law of wealthy American mine owner and investor William C. Green, is leading efforts in Congress to block aid to the Madero regime and has become a vociferous advocate for direct American intervention in Mexican affairs. Interestingly, Senator Fall is closely linked to the Terrazas-Creel families, having once served as US lawyer for both families. According to Senator Fall, recent personal discussions with American Ambassador Lane Wilson in Mexico City suggest the ambassador does not necessarily share the Taft administration's rosy public image of the Madero regime.

For the time being at least, the Taft administration will continue to publicly support the Madero government and oppose efforts interfering with the internal security of our neighbor to the south. There is little doubt the administration wants nothing to do with US intervention in Mexican affairs and it is unlikely the strict ban on American arms exports to other than the Mexican government will be relaxed anytime soon.

Bisbee, AZ: The bloody remains of two more Chinese gang members were found today in Brewery Gulch. They had been hacked apart and their bodies left inside a local seamstress's "crib" near the Copper Creek stairs. This is believed to be the latest in a continuing series of incidents involving the rival Hip Yee and Black Dragon Tongs who are vying for control of the lucrative "sing-song girl" business and "Fan-tan" gambling dens which range along Brewery Gulch and Pagoda Streets. The Hip Yee, who are believed to be controlled from their headquarters in San Francisco, are the largest Chinese "protective society" in the U. S. and are believed to be responsible for numerous unsolved murders and other crimes in San Francisco, Chicago and here in the Southwest. The Bisbee Police Department is questioning several suspects, but the Chinese community is seldom cooperative, either from clannishness or fear of reprisal. This makes these Chinese tong "secret societies" very hard to prosecute. Police are anxious to contact a Mr. Nobungana who they described as a "person of interest" in this murder case.

Ciudad Chihuahua: As the situation in the new democratic republic spirals out of control, former revolutionary leader Francisco "Pancho" Villa has indicated he will support the fledgling government of Francisco Madero. Reportedly at the request of Governor Gonzalez, Villa is raising a unit of irregular cavalry for service restoring order in Chihuahua. "Pancho" enjoys a new level of prominence and respectability in Chihuahua owing to his successful meat packing business and to his efforts to provide for Maderista veterans of the revolution and their families. Nevertheless, he has not been immune from controversy amidst recent rumors of cattle rustling and public disputes with Chihuahuan authorities over the allegedly lawless behavior of ex-Villista soldiers. Additionally, he has not shied from openly criticizing President Madero for failure to deliver on promised reforms and for knuckling under to pressure from the powerful oligarchy in Chihuahua. Regardless, President Madero and Governor Gonzalez must be relieved that on the brink of a new revolution in Chihuahua, Villa is publicly supporting the elected government.

Villa's public disputes with Chihuahuan authorities have manifested themselves most notably in his personal feud with the local commander of state troops in Parral, Jose' de Luz Soto. The autumn of 1911 witnessed increased tension and competition between the two. Although Soto himself is a former Maderista, he also fought alongside Diaz against the French in the 1860's and supported Diaz in his rebellion of 1876. He is considered part of the traditional power structure in Chihuahua and he considers Villa an upstart, a potential rival and a threat. Last fall, he arrested a number of Villa's former soldiers, killing two in the process and a third was later shot and killed "attempting to escape" from prison. When Villa publicly denounced Soto and boasted he was being sent by the governor to restore order in the region, Soto accused Governor Gonzalez of siding with Villa in the dispute. According to sources in the capital, he sent an indignant letter to the governor in which he quoted prominent citizens in Parral as saying, "You have

repeatedly told us that the governor is an immaculate, just, and clean person without reproach; it is impossible to believe that a person who has such qualities could lower himself to put the church in the hands of Luther; it is impossible to believe that he could put society under the rule of a man who only a year ago carried out barbaric acts in this region. What guarantees did the revolution bring us? Did it simply mean replacing white-collar thieves with bandit thieves?"

Soto reportedly went on to accuse Gonzalez of being unreliable and then wrote, "I had no intention of offending you, but if you think that I am offending you with this letter, I repeat, I am ready to take a stand in front of the supreme tribunal of public opinion." In the face of Soto's challenge, Governor Gonzalez backed down and withdrew his support for Villa. Villa then applied directly to Madero for support in the dispute. He was less than satisfied with the vague assurances he received in reply that the President had noted "the alleged arbitrariness of some caciques in Chihuahua" and had ordered an investigation, promising to do "everything in his power to apply the principles of the revolution." Madero hoped "to be able to count on the clear cooperation of all those who were his companions in the struggle for the ideals of the revolution, in which you played such a distinguished role." Both Villa and Soto appear dissatisfied with the lukewarm support they have received and reliable sources indicate Soto is in secret negotiations with elements seeking to overthrow the Madero regime and oust Governor Gonzalez from office.

For his part, Villa has complained directly to Madero about his interference in the Banco Menero investigation and recently published a number of public letters criticizing in vague terms the administration's failure to take action against the abuses of Jose' de Luz Soto. In a letter published in Correo de Chihuahua he told the people "our dear country is suffering from a long and painful illness, and it is deplorable that it should suffer so much. What is its cause? Is it not perhaps a lack of guarantees caused by personal ambition and ignorance of the people? We believe it is necessary because it is in the public's interest to say that I have gathered our troops since our people does [sic] not have guarantees in this part of the Mexican republic."

Regardless of his disillusionment and frustration with the Madero regime, Villa is expected to support the elected government and has been authorized by Governor Gonzalez to raise a force of 900 irregular cavalry to help maintain order in Chihuahua should widespread rebellion erupt as expected.

El Paso, TX: President William Howard Taft issued an executive order in August ending the deployment of the maneuver division along our southern border. The force of 20,000 US troops reinforcing the border with Mexico had been in place since March 1911 in response to the unrest and violence arising from the Maderista revolution. With the military victory of Madero at Ciudad Juarez in June 1911 and the subsequent orderly transfer of power through lawful and free elections in November, the requirement for such a security deployment appeared to be at an end.

The force of regular U.S. Army troops and National Guard units did not materialize along the border overnight and the withdrawal of forces has been similarly gradual. National Guard units were the first to be withdrawn and most regular army units have by now returned to garrison. Owing to the continuing unrest in our own southwest and concerns expressed by the Taft administration about potential interference by foreign powers along our border, some regular army units not previously deployed in the southwest have remained on-station. Nevertheless, border patrol activity by the regular army is greatly reduced from those levels witnessed during last spring and Summer.

US Navy ships continue to exercise in the waters of the Gulf of Mexico and in international waters along the western coast of Mexico. While refusing to characterize these naval operations as a "patrol" or "blockade" Navy Department officials expect elements of the US Atlantic and Pacific fleets will remain at increased levels in these waters for the foreseeable future.

Given increasing reports of unrest in the state of Chihuahua and the potential for renewed revolutionary activity on a grand scale, some in Washington are questioning the wisdom of having withdrawn US troops from the border so soon.

Individuals with experience in the transport and use of dynamite for industrial purposes please send resume to
P.O. Box Uno Dos Tres
El Paso, TX USA

General Labor. Three positions still available. Apply to Roy Knabeshue.

$ 2,000.00

$ 30.00

"Busted" Gun = 25% of value

• If a you take a gun during a game, and live, you get to keep it
• If the other side concedes, and you tell the umpire that you want to loot the gun, you get a 1 in D6 chance of looting the gun.
• If you forget to mention 'looting' at the end of the scenario, "The Indians get the guns."

Remember: In order to cause an event that is part of a 'cunning plan' you must roll 8+ on 2D6. Your result may be affected by skills possessed by the character you have trying to make the event happen. So some of those 'useless strategic skills' suddenly aren't so useless.

Characters might consider the possibilities of a rewarding career in the fields of: Embezzling, Gambling, or Rustling. Each player may field only 1 'Gambler' character. Embezzlers and Rustlers are not limited, but inquire about the game mechanics.

The umpire has finally developed a strategic use for motor vehicles. Cars and trucks are restricted to driving on marked roads, or alongside railway lines (where it is assumed that there is an access road). Individuals traveling by motor vehicle move at the train rate of 2 towns per week. However, a die roll of a "1" on 1D6 means that the transport has broken down on that leg of the journey.

The umpire is still waiting for further suggestions about skill chits. I may develop an "Educated" chit that provides +1 advantages in; engineering, language=communication, deal making, etc.

Newly created skills: "Life is Cheap" does not entitle the bearer to 'backshoot' other characters, that would be a violation of "The Code Of The West," but it does allow bearers to shoot into crowds, or hand to hand combat disregarding the chance of hitting friendly characters. Hits are determined normally, then the actual victim in the crowd is determined by a random die roll which is influenced by the shooter's marksmanship skills.